Halkın ve Siyasi Partilerin Türkiye’ye Dünya’da Biçtikleri Yer!
Türkiye’de Kamuoyu’na göre; her Türk’ten 29’nun tercihi Avrupa/Batı Dünyası’nda kalmak. 27’si İslâm Dünyası ve Ortadoğu adresini gösteriyor. 10’u geldikleri topraklara, Orta Asya Stepleri’ne dönelim diyor. 20’si ise, Türkiye Türkiye olarak kalmalıdır görüşünde. Bu oranlar siyasi partilere dağıtılınca çıkan sonuçlar şunlar:
AKP: İslam Dünyası 39, Avrupa 22, OAS 10, Türkiye’nin kendi modeli; 18…
CHP: Batı kampı; 51, Ortadoğu/Asya; 6 – 7, Kendi olmaya devam; 27…
MHP: Batı ve İslam; 28, Türkün çıkış noktası; 16, Kendi kimliği 19…
HDP: Avrupa; 41, Ortadoğu (Kürdistan); 26, OAS; 2, Mevcut Türkiye; 10…
Diğer partiler toplamı: Batı; 23, geriye kalan tüm seçenekler toplamı; 77…
…Ve Cumhurbaşkanı Erdoğan diyor ki; ‘Bana dictator mü diyorlar? Bir kulağımdan giriyor diğerinden çıkıp gidiyor!
Oysa Erdoğan, gücünü resmileştirmek ve pekiştirmek için referendum seçeneğini kullanıyor. İktidarı tümüyle eline geçirmesinin; bir taraftan ülkenin ekonomik sorunlarını şiddetlendirebileceği gibi, Avrupa Birliği ile ilişkilerini de gerginleştirme olasılığı mevcut!
Munich Security Report 2017
Turkey: Scoring a Coup
As the centenary of the Turkish Republic approaches in 2023, Turkey is shaken by developments that are changing the face of the country significantly: a failed coup and an ensuing crackdown, a resurging domestic conflict, and a war at its borders. This all comes at a time when Turkey’s relations with the West are more strained than they have been in many years.
The July 15 coup attempt, during which 265 people were killed, demonstrated the vulnerability of Turkey and its institutions. The legitimate desire to punish those involved in the coup – supported by almost the entire opposition – has turned into a broad crackdown against those opposing the Justice and Development Party’s (AKP) vision for Turkey.
Over 100,000 people in the police, the judiciary, the military, the education system and others were investigated.
More than 30,000 were arrested.
All university deans were asked to resign.
The crackdown also led to the arrest of at least 81 journalists who are currently jailed – the highest number in any country around the globe.
President Erdogan’s government is also fighting another battle: against various Kurdish groups, most notably the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). Following unrest at the Turkish-Syrian border in the summer of 2015, the conflict escalated and ended a relatively stable peace process, leaving more than 2,400 dead until now.
This domestic struggle also shapes Turkey’s Syria policy, especially its military intervention, which began in August 2016. “Operation Euphrates Shield” has aimed at preventing a strong Kurdish presence at Turkey’s southern borders. Relations with Russia have also played a major part in defining the government’s Syria policy. At the beginning of the year, Turkish-Russian relations were at a low after the Turkish military had
shot down a Russian fighter jet and Moscow had introduced sanctions against Turkey. The two countries Syria policies were greatly at odds – particularly on the question whether the Assad regime should have a future. But, recently, relations have improved and areas of cooperation have been found, e.g., on negotiating a ceasefire at the end of 2016 and conducting joint airstrikes.
At the same time, Turkey’s traditional links with the West have suffered: “I don’t care if they call me a dictator or whatever else. It goes in one ear, out the other,” President Erdogan stressed in November 2016.
Disappointment over a paralyzed EU accession process, lacking Western sympathy after the coup, and the Turkish government’s moves to give more powers to the president and to curtail press freedom are some reasons for the deteriorating relationship. However, both Turkey
and the West still very much depend on each other. Significant trade volumes, the NATO partnership as well as the 2016 EU-Turkey deal on refugees are just some major examples for this significant interdependence. [Full Report]
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